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BPF Position Paper:
The Middle East Situation
Through a Glass,
Darkly: Towards a Buddhist Perspective on Israel & Palestine
Alan Senauke, April 2002.
Each time I speak about the conflict in Israel
and Palestine I seem to get it wrong. And silence will not
do either. This is what Zen Buddhist practitioners call a
koan. The challenge of a koan is to embody and present one’s
truth in a way that is neither self-centered nor dualistic,
even in the face of ambiguity. No koan could be more urgent
than the mutual destruction we are called on to witness daily
in the Holy Land.
An ancient Chinese text says, "If you
create an understanding of holiness, you will succumb to all
errors." Another old Zen adage explains "There is
nowhere in the world to spit." Our Buddhist understanding
is that the whole world is a holy land, and all the people
in it. This is also the dharma meaning of our ancestor Bodhidharma’s
words, "Vast emptiness, nothing holy." The soil
of the Holy Land has been baptized in blood countless times
in the name of power and religion. Great volumes of blood
have been spilled. Has this blood poisoned minds, or sanctified
lives? What is truly holy?
In his First Letter to the Corinthians, Paul
writes: "For now we see as through a glass, darkly."
Our limited view hinders clear vision. Self-centered attachment
to views is the source of suffering. Self-centeredness causes
us as individuals to live at the expense of others. That extends
to a kind of cultural or national self-centeredness, where
individual suffering manifests as distorted social policies.
As people and as nations we find ourselves out of harmony
with the Buddha’s first grave precept and the Bible’s
sixth commandment—do not kill. We pray that our brother
and sister Israelis and Palestinians will widen their views
and forsake violence in all forms—military, paramilitary,
and suicide bombing. Violence naturally flows from people
scarred by greed, hatred, and delusion, who then create national
entities poisoned by these hungers and fears. Buddhist social
analyst David Loy suggests we see this conflict "…not
as a holy war between good and evil, but as a tragic cycle
of reciprocal violence and hatred fuelled by a vicious cycle
of escalating fear on both sides. Israelis fear that they
will never be able to live at peace, believing that Palestinians
are determined to destroy them. Palestinians, impoverished
by Israeli control over their own communities and dominated
by its U.S.-supplied military, strike back in the only way
they can."
As Buddhists here in the West, we need first
to understand how our own sight is clouded. We can try to
put ourselves in the place of Israelis and Palestinians. Even
though it is an impossible task, we must try to imagine ourselves
in their conditions. It seems we are so many miles away, and
yet our lives and the fate of Israelis and Palestinians are
connected, in ways that go beyond violence, armed struggle,
and the oxy-moronic "War on Terrorism."
At the center of Buddhist practice is to understand the subtle
workings of cause and effect—karma and its fruits. When
one sees the workings of karma, the natural response is one
of repentance, vow, and renewal. The liturgy of repentance
goes like this.
All my ancient twisted karma
From beginningless greed, hatred, and delusion
Born of body, speech, and mind,
I now fully avow
We can trace these troubles back across the
walls of time. Cain slew Abel. Ishmael and Isaac vied for
the affections of the Patriarch Abraham. Palestine was the
elusive prize sought in bloody Crusades that forged a European
identity. A succession of empires—Ottoman, British,
French, and others—ruled with a heavy hand, often oppressing
local cultures. Then we come to the last six decades, an age
of Holocaust, ethnic hatred, oil politics, and neo-colonialism.
Karma is rooted in beginningless greed, hatred,
and delusion. But in our own memory and in the memory of our
parents, the U.S. turned away potential victims of the holocaust,
sending them back to perish. Allied Forces failed to bomb
railroad tracks leading to the death camps. These were anti-Semitic
acts, policies that put little value on Jewish lives. U.S.
support for the creation of Israel at the expense of indigenous
Palestinians, who were uprooted from their land in 1948, then
again in 1967, was motivated not by kindness, but by politics
that were an extension of these same anti-Semitic policies.
Our continuing support, helping Israel to build the fourth
largest military force in the world serves a double purpose.
It has created a client state for the implementation of U.S.
policy, and it keeps the Arab nations at each others' and
Israel’s throat. This, in turn keeps U.S. oil prices
low, preventing oil producing nations from making common economic
purpose in confronting the world’s largest oil consuming
nation.
There are surely some people of good will
on the American diplomatic team, but my sense is that the
United States is too compromised historically and too self-interested
to play an active role in peacemaking or keeping. Although
the U.S. bills itself as the one remaining superpower, our
leaders fail to understand that economic and military power
is not equivalent to moral authority. In fact, power tends
to undermine such authority in even the most principled men
and women.
This is a highly condensed and un-nuanced
kind of history. The effect of this history is to create a
mind of victimization. Every side can point to ancient and
recent wounds as justification for present acts. This is much
like the dynamic of an abusive family, where wounds are nurtured
and transmitted from generation to generation, forging chains
of suffering out of fear and anger. Verses 3-5 of the Dhammapada
speak to this.
He insulted me, hit me, beat me, robbed
me
—for those who brood on this, hostility isn’t
stilled.
He insulted me, hit me, beat me, robbed me
—for those who don’t brood on this, hostility
is stilled.
Hostilities are not stilled through hostilities, regardless.
Hostilities are stilled through non-hostility:
This, an unending truth.
I offer this perspective as no more than
a partial truth. But I encourage you to do your own investigation
of history and karma. Each of us must take responsibility
for our actions and those done by our nation in our name.
We take up the age old practice of repentance and renewal,
and learn not to see ourselves as victims.
We see through a glass, darkly, but there
are beams of light and hope that reach our eyes. They shine
apart from the flash of bombs and the flare of burning homes.
There are many ordinary and extraordinary people in Israel
and Palestine, and in Europe and the U.S. who believe in the
work of inner disarmament, bringing their faith and courage
forward for the sake of peace.
Each Friday for 18 months now, a small group
of Israelis and Palestinians, Jews, Muslims, and Christians
have been meeting in a narrow Jerusalem courtyard overlooking
the Western Wall and Al-Aqsa mosque. They sit in a circle,
practicing peace. Before them is the Temple Mount and the
great mosques. Around them are young women and men of the
Israeli border police, tough but not unfriendly, and on guard,
with their automatic rifles at ready. I have sat in this circle
among friends. It seems at once ordinary, powerful, and not
enough. One wishes this circle might magically grow and link
hands around all of Jerusalem. A friend, Eliyahu, writes:
"In a time when many in our circle feel deeply challenged
to do something positive, silence and shared prayer seems
to be the most powerful contributions we can offer at this
most unforgiving time."
At least forty peace activists—French,
German, Italian, Canadian, as well as Israeli and Palestinian—walked
into Arafat’s compound while it was under attack. They
remain there, bearing witness, protecting life, risking their
lives for the sake of peace. Other nonviolent activists are
have quietly taken up residence in the principle towns of
the West Bank and in Jenin, Aida and Al-Azza, besieged Palestinian
Refugee Camps.
As of April 15, more than four hundred Israel
Army "refuseniks" (www.couragetorefuse.org)
have vowed not to continue to serve in the occupation. Thirty-nine
of them have been imprisoned. Their petition reads:
"…We, combat officers and soldiers
who have served the State of Israel for long weeks every
year, in spite of the dear cost to our personal lives, have
been on reserve duty all over the Occupied Territories,
and were issued commands and directives that had nothing
to do with the security of our country, and that had the
sole purpose of perpetuating our control over the Palestinian
people. We, whose eyes have seen the bloody toll this Occupation
exacts from both sides. We, who sensed how the commands
issued to us in the Territories, destroy all the values
we had absorbed while growing up in this country. We, who
understand now that the price of Occupation is the loss
of IDF's (Israeli Defense Force’s) human character
and the corruption of the entire Israeli society. We, who
know that the Territories are not Israel, and that all settlements
are bound to be evacuated in the end.
"We hereby declare that we shall not continue to fight
this War of the Settlements. We shall not continue to fight
beyond the 1967 borders in order to dominate, expel, starve
and humiliate an entire people. We hereby declare that we
shall continue serving in the Israel Defense Forces in any
mission that serves Israel’s defense. The missions
of occupation and oppression do not serve this purpose,
and we shall take no part in them."
In the U.S., Women in Black, and (in places
like Santa Barbara, California) Communities in Black weekly
sit in silent witness to the destruction and loss of life
on both sides. This loose-knit network of nonviolent activists
(www.womeninblack.net)
started in Israel in 1988 by women seeking peace between Israel
and Palestine and an end to Israeli occupation of the West
Bank and Gaza. This movement has become worldwide, including
women and families caught in many wars and conflicts. In their
mission statement Women in Black write:
"Our silence is visible. We invite
women to stand with us, reflect about themselves and women
who have been raped, tortured or killed in concentration
camps, women who have disappeared, whose loved ones have
disappeared or have been killed, whose homes have been demolished.
We wear black as a symbol to mourn for all victims of war,
to mourn the destruction of people, nature and the fabric
of life."
These are a few models for bearing witness
and healing. They are not a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. Solutions are varied and difficult to enact, and
we must find our own way, with a willingness to make mistakes.
We must speak to our leaders and say what we think. We can
engage in dialogue with Muslim and Jewish friends, keeping
heart and mind open to all points of view, seeing the particular
sufferings that move us all.
There are numerous approaches and obstacles,
and many of us have read, talked, and argued until the small
hours of many nights. The most I am willing to say here is
that I believe in a two-state solution that would recognize
autonomous states of Israel and Palestine within the pre-1967
boundaries, with nonviolent protocols for the resolution of
political, economic, and religious conflicts. But it is really
those two peoples themselves who must find their own path
to peace and justice. I hope that the peoples of the region
can themselves find a way to communicate directly and leave
their duplicitous and demagogic leaders behind them. These
leaders — Sharon and Arafat at this point in time —
have done little more than bring death to each other’s
people and to themselves. My heart sinks each time I see them
posturing for the cameras.
We seek peace and justice for Israel and
Palestine. We return to our koan. Conventionally, peace is
understood at the cessation of armed violence. Conventionally,
justice is identified with punishment. Such an understanding
of peace and justice pulls in two directions. The peace and
justice we speak of here is one thing, one direction. As I
said earlier, it is simply not living at the expense of another.
"For now we see as through a glass,
darkly." As long as we live in this suffering world we
must try to see each other. Take away the glass itself and
look at your brother or sister eye to eye. We can do this
in silence, without words or actions. When we sit this way,
face to face, it is very difficult to depersonalize our opponent,
to reduce him or her to a bitter rhetorical flourish. There
is simply no way to avoid the clear fact of our shared humanity.
By virtue of causes and conditions, past wounds and present
fear, there will always be people who will not accept peace.
Dogen Zenji wrote, "The mind of a sentient being is difficult
to change." Still we practice to be the peace we envision.
This is Buddha’s peace and God’s peace. This is
something we can do, irrespective of Sharon, Arafat, Bush,
and others. This may be our most precious offering. From there
we can proceed to words and actions.
Alan Senauke is a father and a Zen Buddhist
priest, living at Berkeley Zen Center. From 1991 through 2001
he was Executive Director of Buddhist Peace Fellowship. He
continues to be an activist, teacher, and writer in support
of Socially Engaged Buddhism. It is in his bones
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